These are ONLY the documented cases, but it is safe to assume that there are many undocumented violations against women by security forces, military and pro-regime activists.
* 524 Sexual Harassment cases
* 317 Compulsory Pregnancy Tests
* 90 Murdered
* 82 Detained ( 5 cases are life sentence)
* 25 judged by Military Courts
* 20 Documented Rape
* 3 Forced Disappearance
* 4 Sentenced to “”Death Penalty””
 Source: teleSUR English
The 1980s saw widespread political violence and countless forced disappearances in many countries in Latin America, and Honduras was no exception. Hundreds of political opponents of the 1980s U.S.-backed regime were kidnapped, tortured, and assassinated by the CIA-trained secret army unit Battalion 316, while at the same time Honduras served as a military base and training ground for U.S. counterinsurgency strategy in the region, especially in neighboring El Salvador and Nicaragua. With the Reagan Administration turning a blind eye to the brutality of Battalion 316, intentionally downplaying or denying its violence in order to continue backing Honduras financially and using the country as a key U.S. military outpost, the details of this death squad’s operations did not become clear until years later. A historic expose published in the Baltimore Sun in 1995, which included interviews with ex-Battalion 316 torturers and details from declassified U.S. government documents, revealed the full extent of the secret unit’s atrocities and its close links to Washington. However, torture and disappearances aren’t just a tragic reality of the past in Honduras. Human rights defenders have drawn disturbing parallels between Battalion 316 and the present day situation in Honduras, saying the current level of human rights abuses and political repression is just as bad, if not worse than the era of forced disappearances in the 1980s. In the wake of the 2009 U.S.-backed coup ousting democratically elected President Manuel Zelaya, forced disappearance, torture, and targeted assassinations re-emerged as state terror tactics to intimidate and repress a broad-based resistance. Conspicuous and even conscious links to 1980s tactics since the 2009 coup, as well as ongoing U.S. complicity, show a continuity of state sponsored terror, with new elements for the post-coup context. |
Statement by Prof. Emad Shahin on his death sentence
May 16, 2015
In another travesty of justice, an Egyptian court today issued a mass death sentence against more than 120 defendants in two cases known as the “Grand Espionage” and “Prisons Break.” I was falsely charged in the first case and I received the death sentence pending referral to the mufti. I repeat my absolute rejection of the charges against me and note that I am hardly the only victim of injustice in this case. Furthermore, I condemn the sham trials engulfing Egypt since July 2013 where wholesale death sentences on flimsy or no evidence have been the mark of the current military regime.
In fact, these sentences are yet another manifestation of the deeply troubling way the Egyptian judiciary has been used as a tool to settle political disagreements by the harshest and most repressive means possible. Due process, regard for evidence, and minimum standard of justice have been tossed aside in favor of draconian injustice. Ironically, two defendants sentenced to death today had already been dead and one has been in prison for the past 19 years. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and many other human rights organizations have condemned the way the Egyptian Judiciary has been used to settle political scores.
The military-backed regime has been targeting peaceful opponents, young protesters, students, journalists and academics. It is currently seeking to reconstitute the security state and intimidate all opponents. For over two years, the army and security agencies have staged a counter-revolution against all those associated with January 25th Revolution, combatting the aspirations of Egyptians for building a free and democratic society. Agencies that are supposed to serve the people are instead oppressing them.
As an independent academic and scholar, I will continue to uphold and defend democratic values, human rights and national reconciliation. These are the exact values that Egypt at the moment to chart a peaceful course in the future. I believe this is the essence of why I was targeted and what my case is all about.
Emad Shahin, Ph.D.
Professor of Public Policy, The American University in Cairo
Visiting Professor, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University
Distinguished Visiting Scholar, Columbia University (2014-2015)
Public Policy Scholar, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars (2014)
Henry R. Luce Associate Professor, University of Notre Dame (2009-2012)
Visiting Associate Professor, Harvard University (2006-2009)
Faculty Affiliate, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, Belfer Center (2007-2008)
Editor in Chief, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Politics
Member of the Academic Advisory Board, Center for Christian-Muslim Understanding, Georgetown University
Member of the Editorial Advisory Board, Oxford Research Directions (Since 2011)
Advisory editor, The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World (Oxford University Press, 2009)
Member of the Academic Board, Al-Hadara Center, Cairo, Egypt
Member of Alexandria Library Scientific Board for the Production of “Selections of Modern Islamic Heritage” (Since 2012)
Foreign Reference Member, University of Oslo (since 2007)
Member of the World Economic Forum’s Global Agenda Council (2008)
– See more at: http://emadshahin.com/?p=1839#sthash.N1AuapYb.dpuf
Translated from: http://yanair.net/archives/87803
Saturday,
October 11, 2014
“Freedom for Students” campaign announced that a new crackdown on students started today early in the morning as more than 40 students from 12 different universities have been arrested before hours of the new academic year began.
The campaign displayed a name list of the students arrested today on its page on FaceBook.
Cairo University:
Ahmed Mohamed Abdel Moneim Faculty of Law
Muhammad Lutfi – House Science Faculty
Ahmed Hussein – House Science Faculty
Ahmed Abdul Samad – House Science Faculty
Maaz Saber – Faculty of Commerce
Mehmed _tjarh Cairo
Osama Tariq _engh Cairo (mechanics)
Alaa Mohammed _engh Cairo (Tanih Etisalat)
Helwan University:
Yasser Ahmed – Faculty of Computing and Information
Ibrahim Jamal – Faculty of Engineering
Ibrahim Salah – Faculty of Engineering.
Mohammed Deabes – Faculty of Engineering.
University of Kafr El-Sheikh:
Abdulrahman al-Badri – Faculty of Commerce
Abdulrahman Shaban – Faculty of Medicine
Abdulaziz Aboukhcbh – Faculty of Engineering
Mohamed Radi – Faculty of Engineering
Ahmed Chebbi – Faculty of Agriculture
Nader Ibrahim – Faculty of Commerce
Suez Canal University:
Mahmoud HE – Faculty of Commerce
Fayoum University:
Mamedsbera – Faculty of Education
Ahmed Badr
Yusuf Mohamed
Mustafa Ibrahim college education
Mansoura University:
Mohamed Adel – Faculty of Engineering and Acting President of the Union.
Mustafa Tariq
Damietta:
Islam Mandarin
Hassan Zenati Abualnoarj
Zagazig University:
Mahmoud Jamal onions Faculty of Computing and Information
Sohag University:
Muhannad Kamal
Mr. Mohammed
Hamid Gamal Hamed – Faculty of Engineering
University of Beni Suef:
Ahmed Ragab
Minia University
Abdulrahman al-Husseini – Faculty of Engineering
Guest Abdulrahman Mohi – Faculty of Engineering
Mustafa Ahmed – Faculty of Engineering
Mohammed Abdul Baki – Faculty of Science
Musab al-Masri – Faculty of Science
Walid Taha – Faculty of Agriculture
Assiut:
Abdul Rahman Ramadan
Ramadan Abdel-Rahman
Mohamed Awad names – secondary
Azhar Fayoum (exited after hours)
Abdullah Alqadom – a third of Sheikh Secondary
After attending Ahmed Gomaa and his comrades’ trial, and because of my initial role as a human rights advocate, I want to write about the violations that Yusuf Talaat and Mohamed Soltan have faced in prison. Their voices were too faint and Gomaa took it upon himself to tell me their stories.
Yusuf Talaat, a pharmacist detained since August 2013, had been having severe back pain and the prison doctor did nothing but gave him some pain killers. When Yusuf asked the doctor if he needed an MRI, the doctor replied that according to prison protocols he must do an X-ray first, and then reassess the condition to see if he needs a MRI or not. Yusuf then requested an X-ray, but days and months passed without this X-ray coming through. At that point, Yusuf was obliged to go to the prosecutor’s office every 15 days. He had to ride the humiliating police van, sit with his hands chained, and wait longer than ten hours on the floor for his turn to enter the prosecutor’s office. This only made his condition worsen. In December 2013 he was transferred from Al-Akrab prison to another prison. When he tried to explain to a police officer that he would need clothes, blankets, and medication, the police officer not only rejected his request, but cursed him and spent the rest of the night torturing him and his comrades; Ahmed Gomaa and the dean of faculty of engineering in Helwan University were amongst the tortured. The police officer stripped their clothes down to their underwear, made them sit in squatting positions (which is very painful for a person with lumbar disc prolapse), and left them like this in the cold December winter. He continued threatening them, if they were to disobey, they would face more torture. After the torture session, they were taken to a small prison cell, fit for eleven people and already full with 38 other people, with no clothes to shelter them from the winter.
Yusuf’s back pain continued to become more and more severe and once again, he asked to see the prison doctor. After a week Yusuf was allowed a visit from the prison doctor, the same doctor he had seen in Al-Akrab prison. Once again, Yusuf told the doctor that he needed to do an X-ray to know the severity of his condition. Once again, days and months passed without the X-ray. His condition continued to worsen, especially as the humiliating visits to the prosecutor’s office continued and Yusuf soon became immobilized. On 28-3-2014, his comrades found him comatose. He was taken to the prison clinic, supposing that the doctor in the clinic will ask to send him to the Tora prison hospital. Ironically, the only doctor in the prison clinic was a dentist! The dentist asked Tora prison hospital to send Yusuf a physician, but that never happened. Five hours later, the police officer told him he would be sent to Al Manial hospital. Another seven hours passed and the police officer told him that for “security issues’ they would not send him to the hospital. Another hour passed, and a physician from Tora prison hospital arrived, examined Yusuf and wrote a report asking for Yusuf to be sent to a specialized and equipped hospital.
Thus another disgraceful part of the story began. The police officer refused to let Yusuf back to his prison cell, out of fear he may die there. The dentist refused to keep him in the clinic for the same reason. Eventually, by dawn they agreed to let him back to his prison cell and transfer him to Tora prison hospital in the early morning. In the early morning Yusuf was finally transferred to Tora prison hospital where a young doctor examined him and said that Yusuf was in shock and had to be transferred to the ICU. Yusuf heard the doctor telling his colleague that this case is very serious and might deteriorate any time. “We should transfer him to another hospital to clear our responsibility,” the doctor said. A few days later, a consultant of internal medicine checked Yusuf and requested an ECG, full blood count, liver functions test, kidney functions test and neck duplex. However, only the full blood count and ECG were done. Continue reading
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